Paper 83 The Marriage Institution 결혼 제도

Paper 83

The Marriage Institution 결혼 제도

83:0.1 (922.1) THIS is the recital of the early beginnings of the institution of marriage. It has progressed steadily from the loose and promiscuous matings of the herd through many variations and adaptations, even to the appearance of those marriage standards which eventually culminated in the realization of pair matings, the union of one man and one woman to establish a home of the highest social order. 이것은 초기 결혼제도가 시작된 이야기입니다. 그것은 무리의 자유로운 난교(亂交 상대를 가리지 않는 짝짓기)에서 여러 변화와 적응을 거쳐, 한 쌍의 짝짓기, 최고 사회 계층의 가정을 세우는 한 남성과 한 여성의 연합이 이루어져 결국 절정에 달한, 그런 결혼 기준이 출현하기까지 꾸준히 진보했습니다.

83:0.2 (922.2) Marriage has been many times in jeopardy, and the marriage mores have drawn heavily on both property and religion for support; but the real influence which forever safeguards marriage and the resultant family is the simple and innate biologic fact that men and women positively will not live without each other, be they the most primitive savages or the most cultured mortals. 결혼은 여러 번 위험에 빠졌으며, 결혼 관습은 버티기 위해서 힘겹게 재산과 종교를 끌어들였습니다. 그러나 결혼과 그 결과로 생긴 가정을 영원히 보호하는 실질적 영향력은 남성과 여성들이, 가장 원시적인 야만인들이든지 가장 교양있는 필사자들이든지, 단연 서로 없이는 살지 않을 것이라는 순전히 타고난 생물학적 사실입니다.

83:0.3 (922.3) It is because of the sex urge that selfish man is lured into making something better than an animal out of himself. The self-regarding and self-gratifying sex relationship entails the certain consequences of self-denial and insures the assumption of altruistic duties and numerous race-benefiting home responsibilities. Herein has sex been the unrecognized and unsuspected civilizer of the savage; for this same sex impulse automatically and unerringly compels man to think and eventually leads him to love. 이기적인 사람이 자신에게서 동물보다 더 나은 것을 만들도록 유인한 것은 성욕(性慾) 때문이었습니다. 이기적인 자기만족의 성(性)관계가 자기절제의 결과를 남기고, 이타적 의무와 인종에-이로운 수많은 가정 책임을 확실히 떠맡습니다. 이 점에서 성(性)은 인정을 받지도 못하고 생각하지도 못한 야만인들의 교화(敎化)자였습니다. 바로 이런 성(性) 충동이 자동으로 반드시 사람을 생각하게 만들어 결국 사랑하지 않을 수 없게 하기 때문입니다.

1. Marriage as a Societal Institution 사회 제도로서의 결혼

83:1.1 (922.4) Marriage is society’s mechanism designed to regulate and control those many human relations which arise out of the physical fact of bisexuality. As such an institution, marriage functions in two directions: 결혼은 양성(兩性)의 물리적 사실에서 생기는 그런 여러 인간관계를 규정하고 조정하도록 계획된 사회 기구입니다. 그런 제도로서, 결혼은 두 가지 방향으로 작용합니다.

83:1.2 (922.5) 1. In the regulation of personal sex relations. 개인적 성(性)관계를 규정할 때.

83:1.3 (922.6) 2. In the regulation of descent, inheritance, succession, and social order, this being its older and original function. 이것이 더 오래된 본래 기능인데, 혈통, 유전, 상속 및 사회적 계층을 규정할 때.

83:1.4 (922.7) The family, which grows out of marriage, is itself a stabilizer of the marriage institution together with the property mores. Other potent factors in marriage stability are pride, vanity, chivalry, duty, and religious convictions. But while marriages may be approved or disapproved on high, they are hardly made in heaven. The human family is a distinctly human institution, an evolutionary development. Marriage is an institution of society, not a department of the church. True, religion should mightily influence it but should not undertake exclusively to control and regulate it. 결혼에서 발생한 가족 자체는 재산 관습과 함께 결혼제도를 안정시켰습니다. 결혼을 안정시킨 강력한 다른 요소들은 자만, 허영, 기사도, 의무 및 종교적 신념입니다. 그러나 결혼들이 하늘에서 승인될 수도 아닐 수도 있지만, 그것들은 전혀 하늘에서 이루어지지 않습니다. 인간 가족은 뚜렷하게 진화로 발전한 인간 제도입니다. 결혼은 사회 제도이며, 교회의 분야가 아닙니다. 참으로 종교가 결혼에 힘차게 영향을 줘야 하지만, 독점적으로 결혼을 떠맡아 조정하고 규정하지 말아야 합니다.

83:1.5 (922.8) Primitive marriage was primarily industrial; and even in modern times it is often a social or business affair. Through the influence of the mixture of the Andite stock and as a result of the mores of advancing civilization, marriage is slowly becoming mutual, romantic, parental, poetical, affectionate, ethical, and even idealistic. Selection and so-called romantic love, however, were at a minimum in primitive mating. During early times husband and wife were not much together; they did not even eat together very often. But among the ancients, personal affection was not strongly linked to sex attraction; they became fond of one another largely because of living and working together. 원시 결혼은 원래 산업적이었습니다. 그리고 현대에서도 결혼은 종종 사회나 사업적 업무입니다. 안드 혈통이 혼합된 영향과 진보하는 문명 관습의 결과로, 결혼은 서서히 상호적, 낭만적, 어버이적, 시(詩)의 감성적, 애정적, 윤리적 및 심지어 이상주의적이 되어가고 있습니다. 그러나 선택과 소위 낭만적 사랑은 원시적 짝짓기에서 최소한이었습니다. 초기 시대에 남편과 아내는 별로 함께하지 않았습니다. 그들은 자주 함께 식사하지도 않았습니다. 단지, 고대인들 사이에서, 개인적 애정은 성적 매력으로 강하게 연결되지 않았습니다. 그들은 함께 살고 일했기 때문에, 대개 서로 좋아하게 되었습니다.

2. Courtship and Betrothal 구혼(求婚)과 약혼(約婚)

83:2.1 (923.1) Primitive marriages were always planned by the parents of the boy and girl. The transition stage between this custom and the times of free choosing was occupied by the marriage broker or professional matchmaker. These matchmakers were at first the barbers; later, the priests. Marriage was originally a group affair; then a family matter; only recently has it become an individual adventure. 원시 결혼은 언제나 소년과 소녀의 부모가 계획했습니다. 이런 관습과 자유 선택의 시대 사이 과도기 단계는 결혼 중개인이나 전문 중매인이 차지했습니다. 이런 중매인들은 처음에 이발사였고, 나중에 사제들이었습니다. 결혼은 원래 집단의 업무였고, 다음에는 가족 문제였습니다. 겨우 최근에 그것은 개인적 사건이 되었습니다.

83:2.2 (923.2) Coercion, not attraction, was the approach to primitive marriage. In early times woman had no sex aloofness, only sex inferiority as inculcated by the mores. As raiding preceded trading, so marriage by capture preceded marriage by contract. Some women would connive at capture in order to escape the domination of the older men of their tribe; they preferred to fall into the hands of men of their own age from another tribe. This pseudo elopement was the transition stage between capture by force and subsequent courtship by charming. 옛날에 여성은 성(性)에 무관심하지 않았고, 관습으로 주입된 성(性) 열등감만 있었습니다. 습격이 거래보다 먼저 일어났듯이, 포획 결혼이 계약 결혼보다 먼저 일어났습니다. 어떤 여성들은 자기 부족 노인들의 지배에서 벗어나려고 포획될 때 묵인하곤 했습니다. 그들은 차라리 자기 또래의 타(他) 부족 남성들의 수중에 들어가기를 택했습니다. 위장 도망은 강제 포획과 차후 매력에 의한 구애 사이에 있는 전환 단계였습니다.

83:2.3 (923.3) An early type of wedding ceremony was the mimic flight, a sort of elopement rehearsal which was once a common practice. Later, mock capture became a part of the regular wedding ceremony. A modern girl’s pretensions to resist “capture,” to be reticent toward marriage, are all relics of olden customs. The carrying of the bride over the threshold is reminiscent of a number of ancient practices, among others, of the days of wife stealing. 옛날 결혼식은 모방 도주, 한때 일반적 관행이었던 일종의 도망 예행 연습 같은 것이었습니다. 나중에 포획 흉내가 일상 결혼식의 부분이 되었습니다. 현대 소녀가 결혼 준비로 과묵하면서, “포획”에 저항하는 척 꾸미는 것은 다 고대 관습의 유물입니다. 신부를 안고 문턱을 넘는 것은 수많은 고대 관행 중 특히 아내를 훔치던 시절을 생각나게 합니다.

83:2.4 (923.4) Woman was long denied full freedom of self-disposal in marriage, but the more intelligent women have always been able to circumvent this restriction by the clever exercise of their wits. Man has usually taken the lead in courtship, but not always. Woman sometimes formally, as well as covertly, initiates marriage. And as civilization has progressed, women have had an increasing part in all phases of courtship and marriage. 여성은 결혼해서 충분히 스스로 처신하는 자유가 오랫동안 거부당했지만, 더 영리한 여성들은 언제나 자기 지혜를 똑똑하게 사용해서 이런 제한을 회피할 수 있었습니다. 대개 남자가 구혼(求婚)에 앞장섰지만, 항상 그렇지 않습니다. 여성이 때때로 남몰래 만이 아니라 정식으로 결혼을 제안합니다. 문명이 진보하면서, 모든 구혼(求婚)과 결혼 단계에서 여성의 역할이 늘어났습니다.

83:2.5 (923.5) Increasing love, romance, and personal selection in premarital courtship are an Andite contribution to the world races. The relations between the sexes are evolving favorably; many advancing peoples are gradually substituting somewhat idealized concepts of sex attraction for those older motives of utility and ownership. Sex impulse and feelings of affection are beginning to displace cold calculation in the choosing of life partners. 혼전 구혼(求婚)에서 사랑, 낭만 및 개인적 선택의 증가는 세계 인종에 대한 안드-사람들의 공헌입니다. 성별 사이의 관계는 순조롭게 진화하고 있습니다. 진보하는 여러 민족은, 유용성과 소유권의 그런 오래된 동기 대신에 성적 매력의 다소 이상화된 개념을 점차 사용하고 있습니다. 일생 동반자를 선택할 때, 성적 충동과 애정 감정이 냉정한 계산 대신 들어서기 시작하고 있습니다.

83:2.6 (923.6) The betrothal was originally equivalent to marriage; and among early peoples sex relations were conventional during the engagement. In recent times, religion has established a sex taboo on the period between betrothal and marriage. 약혼은 원래 결혼에 해당했습니다. 그래서 초기 민족들 사이에 약혼 기간의 성(性)관계는 관행적이었습니다. 최근에, 종교가 약혼과 결혼 사이 기간에 성(性) 금기를 확립했습니다.

3. Purchase and Dowry 아내 사들임과 지참금

83:3.1 (923.7) The ancients mistrusted love and promises; they thought that abiding unions must be guaranteed by some tangible security, property. For this reason, the purchase price of a wife was regarded as a forfeit or deposit which the husband was doomed to lose in case of divorce or desertion. Once the purchase price of a bride had been paid, many tribes permitted the husband’s brand to be burned upon her. Africans still buy their wives. A love wife, or a white man’s wife, they compare to a cat because she costs nothing. 고대인들은 사랑과 약속을 의심했습니다. 변하지 않는 연합은 현실적인 어떤 보호조치, 재산으로 보증되어야 한다고 그들은 생각했습니다. 이런 이유로, 아내 구입 가격은, 이혼이나 불법 유기의 경우에 남편이 손해를 보기로 정한 벌금이나 보증금으로 여겼습니다. 일단 신부 구입 가격을 지불하고 나면, 여러 부족이 남편의 소인(燒印)을 그녀에게 찍도록 허용했습니다. 아프리카인(人)들은 아직도 자기 아내를 사들입니다. 고양이는 비용이 들지 않기 때문에, 그들은 사랑하는 아내, 즉 백인의 아내를 고양이로 비유합니다.

83:3.2 (924.1) The bride shows were occasions for dressing up and decorating daughters for public exhibition with the idea of their bringing higher prices as wives. But they were not sold as animals — among the later tribes such a wife was not transferable. Neither was her purchase always just a cold-blooded money transaction; service was equivalent to cash in the purchase of a wife. If an otherwise desirable man could not pay for his wife, he could be adopted as a son by the girl’s father and then could marry. And if a poor man sought a wife and could not meet the price demanded by a grasping father, the elders would often bring pressure to bear upon the father which would result in a modification of his demands, or else there might be an elopement. 신부 쇼는 갖춰 입고 꾸민 딸들이 아내로서 그들의 값을 더 높이려는 생각으로 사람들에게 공개하는 적절한 기회였습니다. 그러나 그들은 동물로 팔리지 않았습니다. 후기 부족들 사이에서 그런 아내는 양도(讓渡)할 수 없었습니다. 아내구입이 언제나 냉혹한 금전 거래만은 아니었습니다. 봉사(奉仕 받들어 섬김)는 아내구입에서 현금과 같았습니다. 탐나도록 매력적인 남성이 자기 아내를 위해 값을 치를 수 없다면, 소녀의 아버지가 그를 아들로 입양한 후, 그는 결혼할 수 있었습니다. 그리고 가난한 남성이 아내를 얻으려 하지만 욕심 많은 아버지가 요구하는 값을 치를 수 없으면, 부족의 어른들이 종종 아버지에게 압력을 가해서 그의 요구사항을 수정하게 만들거나, 그 외에 애인과 함께 달아날 수 있었습니다.

83:3.3 (924.2) As civilization progressed, fathers did not like to appear to sell their daughters, and so, while continuing to accept the bride purchase price, they initiated the custom of giving the pair valuable presents which about equaled the purchase money. And upon the later discontinuance of payment for the bride, these presents became the bride’s dowry. 문명이 발전하면서, 아버지들은 자기 딸들을 파는 것같이 보이고 싶지 않아서, 신부 매입 값을 계속 받으면서, 구매 대금과 거의 같은 값진 선물을 부부에게 주는 관습을 시작했습니다. 그리고 후일 신부를 위한 금액이 폐지된 후, 이런 선물들은 신부의 지참금이 되었습니다.

83:3.4 (924.3) The idea of a dowry was to convey the impression of the bride’s independence, to suggest far removal from the times of slave wives and property companions. A man could not divorce a dowered wife without paying back the dowry in full. Among some tribes a mutual deposit was made with the parents of both bride and groom to be forfeited in case either deserted the other, in reality a marriage bond. During the period of transition from purchase to dowry, if the wife were purchased, the children belonged to the father; if not, they belonged to the wife’s family. 지참금의 생각은 신부의 자활(自活)하는 인상의 전달, 즉 노예 아내 및 재산 동반자의 시대와 아주 달라졌음을 암시합니다. 남성은 지참금의 전액을 갚지 않으면 지참금을 가져온 아내와 이혼할 수 없었습니다. 어떤 부족 중에는, 신부와 신랑의 부모와 함께 상호 예치금을 만들어, 한 편이 다른 편을 버리는 경우, 실제 결혼 보증금으로 몰수되도록 했습니다. 사들이기에서 지참금으로 이동하는 과도기에, 아내를 사들이면 자녀들은 아버지에게 속했습니다. 그렇지 않다면, 자녀들은 아내의 가족에 속했습니다.

4. The Wedding Ceremony 결혼식

83:4.1 (924.4) The wedding ceremony grew out of the fact that marriage was originally a community affair, not just the culmination of a decision of two individuals. Mating was of group concern as well as a personal function. 결혼은 두 개인 결정의 성취만 아니라, 원래 공동체 업무였다는 사실에서, 결혼식이 발전하여 커졌습니다. 짝짓기는 개인적 활동만이 아니라 집단적 관심사였습니다.

83:4.2 (924.5) Magic, ritual, and ceremony surrounded the entire life of the ancients, and marriage was no exception. As civilization advanced, as marriage became more seriously regarded, the wedding ceremony became increasingly pretentious. Early marriage was a factor in property interests, even as it is today, and therefore required a legal ceremony, while the social status of subsequent children demanded the widest possible publicity. Primitive man had no records; therefore must the marriage ceremony be witnessed by many persons. 마술, 의례(儀禮) 및 예식(禮式)이 고대인(人)들의 온 생활을 둘러쌌고 결혼도 예외가 아니었습니다. 문명이 진보하면서, 결혼이 더 진지하게 여겨지게 되자, 결혼식이 점차 자랑하여 나타내게 되었습니다. 초기 결혼은, 오늘날에도 그렇듯이, 재산 이익(利益)의 요인이었으므로, 법적 예식이 필요했고, 게다가 차후 자녀들의 사회적 신분을 최대한 널리 알려야 했습니다. 원시인은 기록하지 않았기 때문에, 여러 사람이 결혼식에 참석해야 했습니다.

83:4.3 (924.6) At first the wedding ceremony was more on the order of a betrothal and consisted only in public notification of intention of living together; later it consisted in formal eating together. Among some tribes the parents simply took their daughter to the husband; in other cases the only ceremony was the formal exchange of presents, after which the bride’s father would present her to the groom. Among many Levantine peoples it was the custom to dispense with all formality, marriage being consummated by sex relations. The red man was the first to develop the more elaborate celebration of weddings. 처음에 결혼식은 약혼과 더 비슷했고, 동거(同居)의 의도를 공개적으로 알릴 뿐이었습니다. 나중에 결혼은 정식으로 같이 식사하는 것이었습니다. 일부 부족 중에서 부모들은 자기 딸을 남편에게 단지 데려갔습니다. 다른 경우에 유일한 예식은 정식의 선물 교환이었으며, 그 후 신부의 아버지가 그녀를 신랑에게 소개하곤 했습니다. 여러 레반트 민족들은 모든 예식 없이, 성(性)관계로 신방(新房)을 차리는 것이 관습이었습니다. 홍인이 더 정교한 혼인 잔치를 처음 개발했습니다.

83:4.4 (924.7) Childlessness was greatly dreaded, and since barrenness was attributed to spirit machinations, efforts to insure fecundity also led to the association of marriage with certain magical or religious ceremonials. And in this effort to insure a happy and fertile marriage, many charms were employed; even the astrologers were consulted to ascertain the birth stars of the contracting parties. At one time the human sacrifice was a regular feature of all weddings among well-to-do people. 아이가 없는 것을 매우 두려워했고, 불임(不姙)을 영(靈) 간계의 탓으로 여겼기 때문에, 다산 보증의 노력으로, 결혼은 어떤 마술이나 종교적 예식의 관련으로 또한 이어졌습니다. 행복한 다산 결혼을 보증하려는 이런 노력으로, 여러 부적이 사용되었습니다. 결혼 당사자들의 출생 별들을 확인하려고 점성술사들의 의견까지 들었습니다. 한때 부유한 사람들의 모든 결혼에서 인신(人身) 공양(供養)이 일상적 특색이었습니다.

83:4.5 (925.1) Lucky days were sought out, Thursday being most favorably regarded, and weddings celebrated at the full of the moon were thought to be exceptionally fortunate. It was the custom of many Near Eastern peoples to throw grain upon the newlyweds; this was a magical rite which was supposed to insure fecundity. Certain Oriental peoples used rice for this purpose. 행운의 날들을 찾았고, 목요일을 가장 좋은 날로 여겼으며, 만월(滿月)에 행하는 결혼이 특별한 행운이 되리라고 여겼습니다. 여러 근동(近東) 민족은 신혼부부에게 곡물을 던지는 관습이 있었습니다. 이것은 다산을 보증한다고 알려진 마술적 제의(祭儀)였습니다. 어떤 동양 민족들은 이런 목적으로 쌀을 사용했습니다.

83:4.6 (925.2) Fire and water were always considered the best means of resisting ghosts and evil spirits; hence altar fires and lighted candles, as well as the baptismal sprinkling of holy water, were usually in evidence at weddings. For a long time it was customary to set a false wedding day and then suddenly postpone the event so as to put the ghosts and spirits off the track. 불과 물은 유령들과 악령들을 격퇴하는 최고의 수단으로 항상 여겼습니다. 따라서 세례(洗禮)에 뿌리는 성수(聖水)와 마찬가지로, 제단의 불과 촛불은 결혼식에서 대개 두드러지게 보였습니다. 거짓으로 결혼일을 정한 후, 유령들과 영(靈)들을 물리치려고 갑자기 행사를 연기하는 것은 오랜 관습이었습니다.

83:4.7 (925.3) The teasing of newlyweds and the pranks played upon honeymooners are all relics of those far-distant days when it was thought best to appear miserable and ill at ease in the sight of the spirits so as to avoid arousing their envy. The wearing of the bridal veil is a relic of the times when it was considered necessary to disguise the bride so that ghosts might not recognize her and also to hide her beauty from the gaze of the otherwise jealous and envious spirits. The bride’s feet must never touch the ground just prior to the ceremony. Even in the twentieth century it is still the custom under the Christian mores to stretch carpets from the carriage landing to the church altar. 신혼부부를 놀리고 신혼여행자들에게 하는 장난은, 영(靈)들의 시샘이 일어나지 않도록, 영(靈)들의 눈에 비참하고 불편하게 보이도록 하는 것이 최선이라고 여겼던 때, 그렇게 아주 먼 시대의 모든 잔재입니다. 면사포를 입는 것은, 유령들이 그녀를 알아보지 못하고, 질투하고 시샘하는 다른 영(靈)들의 시선에서 그녀의 아름다움도 숨기도록, 신부를 위장해야만 한다고 여겼던, 당시의 잔재입니다. 예식 직전에 신부의 발이 땅에 닿지 말아야 했습니다. 20세기에도 기독교 관습에 따라, 도착한 차량에서 교회 제단까지 융단(絨緞)을 까는 것이 아직도 관습입니다.

83:4.8 (925.4) One of the most ancient forms of the wedding ceremony was to have a priest bless the wedding bed to insure the fertility of the union; this was done long before any formal wedding ritual was established. During this period in the evolution of the marriage mores the wedding guests were expected to file through the bedchamber at night, thus constituting legal witness to the consummation of marriage. 결혼식의 가장 오래된 형태 중 하나는 결혼의 다산을 보증하려고 사제가 결혼 동침(同寢)을 축복(祝福)하는 것이었습니다. 이것은 어떤 공식적인 결혼제의(祭儀) 훨씬 이전에 이루어졌습니다. 결혼 관습이 진화하는 이런 시기에, 하객들은 밤에 침실을 통해 지나가도록 예정되어서, 결혼 성사의 법적 증인이 되었습니다.

83:4.9 (925.5) The luck element, that in spite of all premarital tests certain marriages turned out bad, led primitive man to seek insurance protection against marriage failure; led him to go in quest of priests and magic. And this movement culminated directly in modern church weddings. But for a long time marriage was generally recognized as consisting in the decisions of the contracting parents — later of the pair — while for the last five hundred years church and state have assumed jurisdiction and now presume to make pronouncements of marriage. 혼전(婚前)의 모든 시험에도 불구하고, 어떤 결혼은 불행해졌다는 행운 요소로 인해서, 원시인(人)은 결혼 실패를 막으려고 보증을 찾게 되었고, 사제들과 마술을 추구하게 되었습니다. 그리고 이런 행동이 바로 현대 교회 결혼으로 정점에 이르렀습니다. 그러나 오랫동안 결혼은 일반적으로 계약하는 부모들(나중에는 그 쌍)의 결정이라고 인정되었던 반면에 지난 500년 동안에 교회와 국가가 관할권을 떠맡았고, 지금은 대담하게 결혼을 선언합니다.

  1. Plural Marriages 복혼(複婚)

83:5.1 (925.6) In the early history of marriage the unmarried women belonged to the men of the tribe. Later on, a woman had only one husband at a time. This practice of one-man-at-a-time was the first step away from the promiscuity of the herd. While a woman was allowed but one man, her husband could sever such temporary relationships at will. But these loosely regulated associations were the first step toward living pairwise in distinction to living herdwise. In this stage of marriage development children usually belonged to the mother. 초기 결혼 역사에서 미혼 여성들은 부족의 남성들에게 속했습니다. 나중에 한 여성은 한 번에 한 남편만 있었습니다. 한 번에 한 남성이라는 이런 관례는 무리의 집단적 난혼(亂婚)을 떠나는 첫 단계였습니다. 한 여성에게는 한 남성뿐이었지만, 그녀의 남편은 그런 일시적 관계를 마음대로 끊을 수 있었습니다. 그러나 헐겁게 규정하는 이런 관계는 무리로 사는 것과 구별되어 짝으로 살아가기 위한 첫 단계였습니다. 결혼 발전의 이 단계에서 아이들은 대개 어머니에게 속했습니다.

83:5.2 (925.7) The next step in mating evolution was the group marriage. This communal phase of marriage had to intervene in the unfolding of family life because the marriage mores were not yet strong enough to make pair associations permanent. The brother and sister marriages belonged to this group; five brothers of one family would marry five sisters of another. All over the world the looser forms of communal marriage gradually evolved into various types of group marriage. And these group associations were largely regulated by the totem mores. Family life slowly and surely developed because sex and marriage regulation favored the survival of the tribe itself by insuring the survival of larger numbers of children. 짝짓기 진화의 다음 단계는 집단 결혼이었습니다. 결혼의 이런 공동 단계가 가족생활의 전개에 개입된 것은, 결혼 관습이 쌍의 결합을 영속하게 할 정도로 아직 충분히 강하지 않았기 때문입니다. 남매 결혼이 이런 집단에 속했습니다. 한 가정의 다섯 형제가 다른 가정의 다섯 자매와 결혼하곤 했습니다. 전 세계에 더 헐거운 형태의 공동 결혼이 점차 다양한 유형의 집단 결혼으로 진화했습니다. 그리고 이런 집단 결합은 대개 토템(가족·종족의 상징으로 숭배하는 자연물·동물) 관습으로 규정되었습니다. 가족생활은 서서히 그리고 확실하게 발전했는데, 성(性)과 결혼 규정으로, 더 많은 수의 자녀들이 살아남도록 지켜져서, 부족 자체의 생존이 유리해졌기 때문이었습니다.

83:5.3 (926.1) Group marriages gradually gave way before the emerging practices of polygamy — polygyny and polyandry — among the more advanced tribes. But polyandry was never general, being usually limited to queens and rich women; furthermore, it was customarily a family affair, one wife for several brothers. Caste and economic restrictions sometimes made it necessary for several men to content themselves with one wife. Even then, the woman would marry only one, the others being loosely tolerated as “uncles” of the joint progeny. 더 진보한 부족 중에서, 복혼(複婚)-일부다처(一夫多妻)와 일처다부(一妻多夫)-관행이 출현하기 전에, 집단 결혼은 점차 무너졌습니다. 그러나 일처다부는, 보통 여왕들과 부유한 여성들에게 한정되어서, 결코 일반적이지 않았습니다. 게다가, 그것은 관례상 여러 형제가 한 아내와 사는 집안일이었습니다. 카스트(특권계급)와 경제적 제한으로 때때로 여러 남성이 한 아내로 감수해야만 했습니다. 설령 그래도, 여성은 단 하나와 결혼하고, 나머지는 공동 자녀의 “삼촌들”로서 어렴풋이 묵인되었습니다.

83:5.4 (926.2) The Jewish custom requiring that a man consort with his deceased brother’s widow for the purpose of “raising up seed for his brother,” was the custom of more than half the ancient world. This was a relic of the time when marriage was a family affair rather than an individual association. 남성이 “자기 형제에게 씨가 있게(창38:8)” 하려고 죽은 형제의 과부와 사귀도록 요구한 유대인 관습은 고대 세계 절반 이상의 관습이었습니다. 이것은, 결혼이 개인 결합이기보다 집안일이었던, 시대의 잔재였습니다.

83:5.5 (926.3) The institution of polygyny recognized, at various times, four sorts of wives: 일부다처(一夫多妻) 제도는 여러 차례에 네 종류의 아내를 인정했습니다.

83:5.6 (926.4) 1. The ceremonial or legal wives. 정식 법적 아내들.

83:5.7 (926.5) 2. Wives of affection and permission. 애정으로 허락된 아내들.

83:5.8 (926.6) 3. Concubines, contractual wives. 첩, 계약 아내들.

83:5.9 (926.7) 4. Slave wives. 노예 아내들.

83:5.10 (926.8) True polygyny, where all the wives are of equal status and all the children equal, has been very rare. Usually, even with plural marriages, the home was dominated by the head wife, the status companion. She alone had the ritual wedding ceremony, and only the children of such a purchased or dowered spouse could inherit unless by special arrangement with the status wife. 모든 아내가 동등한 자격으로, 모든 자녀가 동등한, 진정한 일부다처(一夫多妻)는 아주 드물었습니다. 대개, 복혼(複婚)이라도, 반려자 자격이 있는 수석 아내가 가정을 좌우했습니다. 그녀만 제의(祭儀)적 결혼식을 했고, 자격이 있는 아내의 특별한 합의가 없는 한, 그렇게 구매하고 지참금을 낸 배우자의 자녀들만 상속(相續)할 수 있었습니다.

83:5.11 (926.9) The status wife was not necessarily the love wife; in early times she usually was not. The love wife, or sweetheart, did not appear until the races were considerably advanced, more particularly after the blending of the evolutionary tribes with the Nodites and Adamites. 자격이 있는 아내가 반드시 사랑하는 아내는 아니었습니다. 옛날에 그녀는 대개 그렇지 않았습니다. 진화 부족들이 놋-사람들 및 아담-사람들과 혼합된 이후 특히 더, 종족들이 상당히 진보했을 때까지, 사랑하는 아내, 즉 연인은 등장(登場)하지 않았습니다.

83:5.12 (926.10) The taboo wife — one wife of legal status — created the concubine mores. Under these mores a man might have only one wife, but he could maintain sex relations with any number of concubines. Concubinage was the steppingstone to monogamy, the first move away from frank polygyny. The concubines of the Jews, Romans, and Chinese were very frequently the handmaidens of the wife. Later on, as among the Jews, the legal wife was looked upon as the mother of all children born to the husband. 금기 아내–법적 자격이 있는 한 아내-가 첩 관습을 만들었습니다. 이런 관습에 따라 남성은 한 명의 아내만 있었지만, 그는 첩들이 몇이라도 성(性)관계를 계속할 수 있었습니다. 축첩(蓄妾)이 일부일처(一夫一妻)제의 발판, 명백한 일부다처(一夫多妻)에서 멀어지는 첫 조처였습니다. 유대인, 로마인과 중국인의 첩들은 아주 빈번히 아내의 하녀들이었습니다. 나중에 유대인 사이에서 그렇듯이, 법적 아내를 남편에게 태어난 모든 자녀의 어머니로 여겼습니다.

83:5.13 (926.11) The olden taboos on sex relations with a pregnant or nursing wife tended greatly to foster polygyny. Primitive women aged very early because of frequent childbearing coupled with hard work. (Such overburdened wives only managed to exist by virtue of the fact that they were put in isolation one week out of each month when they were not heavy with child.) Such a wife often grew tired of bearing children and would request her husband to take a second and younger wife, one able to help with both childbearing and the domestic work. The new wives were therefore usually hailed with delight by the older spouses; there existed nothing on the order of sex jealousy. 임신하거나 수유(授乳) 중인 아내와 성(性)관계에 대한 오래된 금기가 일부다처(一夫多妻)를 조장하는 경향이 컸습니다. 원시 여성들은 잦은 해산과 힘든 노동이 결부되어 아주 일찍 늙었습니다. (그렇게 과로한 아내들은 자녀를 임신하지 않았을 때, 매달 일주일씩 그들이 격리되었다는 사실 덕분에 겨우 생존할 수 있었습니다). 그런 아내는 자녀를 낳느라 자주 지쳐서, 해산하고 가사(家事)를 도울 수 있는, 두 번째로 더 젊은 아내를 얻으라고 남편에게 요청하곤 했습니다. 그래서 나이 든 배우자들은 대개 새 아내들을 기쁘게 환호하며 맞이했습니다. 거기에는 성적 시샘의 종류가 전혀 없었습니다.

83:5.14 (926.12) The number of wives was only limited by the ability of the man to provide for them. Wealthy and able men wanted large numbers of children, and since the infant mortality was very high, it required an assembly of wives to recruit a large family. Many of these plural wives were mere laborers, slave wives. 아내의 수(數)는 그들을 부양할 남성의 능력으로만 제한되었습니다. 부유하고 능력 있는 남성들은 많은 수(數)의 자녀를 원했고, 유아 사망률이 아주 높아서, 대가족을 만들려면 아내들을 모아야 했습니다. 이런 복수(複數) 아내들의 여럿은 단순히 노동하는 노예 아내들이었습니다.

83:5.15 (927.1) Human customs evolve, but very slowly. The purpose of a harem was to build up a strong and numerous body of blood kin for the support of the throne. A certain chief was once convinced that he should not have a harem, that he should be contented with one wife; so he promptly dismissed his harem. The dissatisfied wives went to their homes, and their offended relatives swept down on the chief in wrath and did away with him then and there. 인간의 관습은 진화하지만 아주 느립니다. 후궁의 목적은 왕권을 유지하려고 강한 여러 혈연관계 집단을 세우는 것이었습니다. 어떤 족장은 한때 자신이 후궁을 가지지 말고, 한 아내로 만족해야 한다고 확신했습니다. 그래서 그는 즉시 자기 후궁을 해산시켰습니다. 불만스러운 아내들은 자신들의 집으로 돌아갔고, 기분이 상한 그들의 친척들이 격노하여 족장을 급습했고 즉시 그를 죽였습니다.

6. True Monogamy — Pair Marriage 진정한 단혼(單婚) – 일부일처(一夫一妻)

83:6.1 (927.2) Monogamy is monopoly; it is good for those who attain this desirable state, but it tends to work a biologic hardship on those who are not so fortunate. But quite regardless of the effect on the individual, monogamy is decidedly best for the children.

83:6.2 (927.3) The earliest monogamy was due to force of circumstances, poverty. Monogamy is cultural and societal, artificial and unnatural, that is, unnatural to evolutionary man. It was wholly natural to the purer Nodites and Adamites and has been of great cultural value to all advanced races.

83:6.3 (927.4) The Chaldean tribes recognized the right of a wife to impose a premarital pledge upon her spouse not to take a second wife or concubine; both the Greeks and the Romans favored monogamous marriage. Ancestor worship has always fostered monogamy, as has the Christian error of regarding marriage as a sacrament. Even the elevation of the standard of living has consistently militated against plural wives. By the time of Michael’s advent on Urantia practically all of the civilized world had attained the level of theoretical monogamy. But this passive monogamy did not mean that mankind had become habituated to the practice of real pair marriage.

83:6.4 (927.5) While pursuing the monogamic goal of the ideal pair marriage, which is, after all, something of a monopolistic sex association, society must not overlook the unenviable situation of those unfortunate men and women who fail to find a place in this new and improved social order, even when having done their best to co-operate with, and enter into, its requirements. Failure to gain mates in the social arena of competition may be due to insurmountable difficulties or multitudinous restrictions which the current mores have imposed. Truly, monogamy is ideal for those who are in, but it must inevitably work great hardship on those who are left out in the cold of solitary existence.

83:6.5 (927.6) Always have the unfortunate few had to suffer that the majority might advance under the developing mores of evolving civilization; but always should the favored majority look with kindness and consideration on their less fortunate fellows who must pay the price of failure to attain membership in the ranks of those ideal sex partnerships which afford the satisfaction of all biologic urges under the sanction of the highest mores of advancing social evolution.

83:6.6 (927.7) Monogamy always has been, now is, and forever will be the idealistic goal of human sex evolution. This ideal of true pair marriage entails self-denial, and therefore does it so often fail just because one or both of the contracting parties are deficient in that acme of all human virtues, rugged self-control.

83:6.7 (927.8) Monogamy is the yardstick which measures the advance of social civilization as distinguished from purely biologic evolution. Monogamy is not necessarily biologic or natural, but it is indispensable to the immediate maintenance and further development of social civilization. It contributes to a delicacy of sentiment, a refinement of moral character, and a spiritual growth which are utterly impossible in polygamy. A woman never can become an ideal mother when she is all the while compelled to engage in rivalry for her husband’s affections.

83:6.8 (928.1) Pair marriage favors and fosters that intimate understanding and effective co-operation which is best for parental happiness, child welfare, and social efficiency. Marriage, which began in crude coercion, is gradually evolving into a magnificent institution of self-culture, self-control, self-expression, and self-perpetuation.

7. The Dissolution of Wedlock

83:7.1 (928.2) In the early evolution of the marital mores, marriage was a loose union which could be terminated at will, and the children always followed the mother; the mother-child bond is instinctive and has functioned regardless of the developmental stage of the mores.

83:7.2 (928.3) Among primitive peoples only about one half the marriages proved satisfactory. The most frequent cause for separation was barrenness, which was always blamed on the wife; and childless wives were believed to become snakes in the spirit world. Under the more primitive mores, divorce was had at the option of the man alone, and these standards have persisted to the twentieth century among some peoples.

83:7.3 (928.4) As the mores evolved, certain tribes developed two forms of marriage: the ordinary, which permitted divorce, and the priest marriage, which did not allow for separation. The inauguration of wife purchase and wife dowry, by introducing a property penalty for marriage failure, did much to lessen separation. And, indeed, many modern unions are stabilized by this ancient property factor.

83:7.4 (928.5) The social pressure of community standing and property privileges has always been potent in the maintenance of the marriage taboos and mores. Down through the ages marriage has made steady progress and stands on advanced ground in the modern world, notwithstanding that it is threateningly assailed by widespread dissatisfaction among those peoples where individual choice — a new liberty — figures most largely. While these upheavals of adjustment appear among the more progressive races as a result of suddenly accelerated social evolution, among the less advanced peoples marriage continues to thrive and slowly improve under the guidance of the older mores.

83:7.5 (928.6) The new and sudden substitution of the more ideal but extremely individualistic love motive in marriage for the older and long-established property motive, has unavoidably caused the marriage institution to become temporarily unstable. Man’s marriage motives have always far transcended actual marriage morals, and in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the Occidental ideal of marriage has suddenly far outrun the self-centered and but partially controlled sex impulses of the races. The presence of large numbers of unmarried persons in any society indicates the temporary breakdown or the transition of the mores.

83:7.6 (928.7) The real test of marriage, all down through the ages, has been that continuous intimacy which is inescapable in all family life. Two pampered and spoiled youths, educated to expect every indulgence and full gratification of vanity and ego, can hardly hope to make a great success of marriage and home building — a lifelong partnership of self-effacement, compromise, devotion, and unselfish dedication to child culture.

83:7.7 (929.1) The high degree of imagination and fantastic romance entering into courtship is largely responsible for the increasing divorce tendencies among modern Occidental peoples, all of which is further complicated by woman’s greater personal freedom and increased economic liberty. Easy divorce, when the result of lack of self-control or failure of normal personality adjustment, only leads directly back to those crude societal stages from which man has emerged so recently and as the result of so much personal anguish and racial suffering.

83:7.8 (929.2) But just so long as society fails to properly educate children and youths, so long as the social order fails to provide adequate premarital training, and so long as unwise and immature youthful idealism is to be the arbiter of the entrance upon marriage, just so long will divorce remain prevalent. And in so far as the social group falls short of providing marriage preparation for youths, to that extent must divorce function as the social safety valve which prevents still worse situations during the ages of the rapid growth of the evolving mores.

83:7.9 (929.3) The ancients seem to have regarded marriage just about as seriously as some present-day people do. And it does not appear that many of the hasty and unsuccessful marriages of modern times are much of an improvement over the ancient practices of qualifying young men and women for mating. The great inconsistency of modern society is to exalt love and to idealize marriage while disapproving of the fullest examination of both.

8. The Idealization of Marriage

83:8.1 (929.4) Marriage which culminates in the home is indeed man’s most exalted institution, but it is essentially human; it should never have been called a sacrament. The Sethite priests made marriage a religious ritual; but for thousands of years after Eden, mating continued as a purely social and civil institution.

83:8.2 (929.5) The likening of human associations to divine associations is most unfortunate. The union of husband and wife in the marriage-home relationship is a material function of the mortals of the evolutionary worlds. True, indeed, much spiritual progress may accrue consequent upon the sincere human efforts of husband and wife to progress, but this does not mean that marriage is necessarily sacred. Spiritual progress is attendant upon sincere application to other avenues of human endeavor.

83:8.3 (929.6) Neither can marriage be truly compared to the relation of the Adjuster to man nor to the fraternity of Christ Michael and his human brethren. At scarcely any point are such relationships comparable to the association of husband and wife. And it is most unfortunate that the human misconception of these relationships has produced so much confusion as to the status of marriage.

83:8.4 (929.7) It is also unfortunate that certain groups of mortals have conceived of marriage as being consummated by divine action. Such beliefs lead directly to the concept of the indissolubility of the marital state regardless of the circumstances or wishes of the contracting parties. But the very fact of marriage dissolution itself indicates that Deity is not a conjoining party to such unions. If God has once joined any two things or persons together, they will remain thus joined until such a time as the divine will decrees their separation. But, regarding marriage, which is a human institution, who shall presume to sit in judgment, to say which marriages are unions that might be approved by the universe supervisors in contrast with those which are purely human in nature and origin?

83:8.5 (930.1) Nevertheless, there is an ideal of marriage on the spheres on high. On the capital of each local system the Material Sons and Daughters of God do portray the height of the ideals of the union of man and woman in the bonds of marriage and for the purpose of procreating and rearing offspring. After all, the ideal mortal marriage is humanly sacred.

83:8.6 (930.2) Marriage always has been and still is man’s supreme dream of temporal ideality. Though this beautiful dream is seldom realized in its entirety, it endures as a glorious ideal, ever luring progressing mankind on to greater strivings for human happiness. But young men and women should be taught something of the realities of marriage before they are plunged into the exacting demands of the interassociations of family life; youthful idealization should be tempered with some degree of premarital disillusionment.

83:8.7 (930.3) The youthful idealization of marriage should not, however, be discouraged; such dreams are the visualization of the future goal of family life. This attitude is both stimulating and helpful providing it does not produce an insensitivity to the realization of the practical and commonplace requirements of marriage and subsequent family life.

83:8.8 (930.4) The ideals of marriage have made great progress in recent times; among some peoples woman enjoys practically equal rights with her consort. In concept, at least, the family is becoming a loyal partnership for rearing offspring, accompanied by sexual fidelity. But even this newer version of marriage need not presume to swing so far to the extreme as to confer mutual monopoly of all personality and individuality. Marriage is not just an individualistic ideal; it is the evolving social partnership of a man and a woman, existing and functioning under the current mores, restricted by the taboos, and enforced by the laws and regulations of society.

83:8.9 (930.5) Twentieth-century marriages stand high in comparison with those of past ages, notwithstanding that the home institution is now undergoing a serious testing because of the problems so suddenly thrust upon the social organization by the precipitate augmentation of woman’s liberties, rights so long denied her in the tardy evolution of the mores of past generations.

83:8.10 (930.6) [Presented by the Chief of Seraphim stationed on Urantia.]

“Paper 83 The Marriage Institution 결혼 제도”에 한개의 의견

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